Analysis and Resource Based View free essay sample

Apple Inc. is one of the world’s largest technology companies dealing in computers and consumer electronic products. Founded in 1976 by Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniack Apple is now a multinational corporate empire who recently boasted a $15.7 billion in revenue in the third quarter of 2010. This study’s objective is to carry out a strategic analysis of Apple Company using different analysis tools. The study aims to cover factors that exist in its internal and external environment and also evaluate how the company utilizes its resources to maintain competitive advantage in the market. Three different descriptive strategic tools will be used in this study includes SWOT Analysis, PESTLE Analysis and Resource Based View (RBV). The findings from these analyses are used in making conclusions on the study question. From this study it’s clear that Apples extensive brand equity, strong leadership of CEO Steve Jobs, Innovative research development, fashionable trendy image of its products and the strong branding customer loyalty forms a great part of its strengths. We will write a custom essay sample on Analysis and Resource Based View or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page However this study highlights the rushing of products into the market followed by quick product recalls and the many legal cases the company has been involved in as the major threats. Apple’s ‘iphone’ is the company’s attempt to utilize the available opportunity resulting from the increasing demand for ‘smart phones’. Apple Inc is threatened by poor quality output from its suppliers and the tight market for personal computers. The study recommends product testing be speeded up and the company to find alternatives ways to settle these legal cases to ensure Apple Inc maintains its competitive advantage in the technology market. Analysis and Resource Based View free essay sample Apple Inc. is one of the world’s largest technology companies dealing in computers and consumer electronic products. Founded in 1976 by Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniack Apple is now a multinational corporate empire who recently boasted a $15.7 billion in revenue in the third quarter of 2010. This study’s objective is to carry out a strategic analysis of Apple Company using different analysis tools. The study aims to cover factors that exist in its internal and external environment and also evaluate how the company utilizes its resources to maintain competitive advantage in the market. Three different descriptive strategic tools will be used in this study includes SWOT Analysis, PESTLE Analysis and Resource Based View (RBV). The findings from these analyses are used in making conclusions on the study question. From this study it’s clear that Apples extensive brand equity, strong leadership of CEO Steve Jobs, Innovative research development, fashionable trendy image of its products and the strong branding customer loyalty forms a great part of its strengths. We will write a custom essay sample on Analysis and Resource Based View or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page However this study highlights the rushing of products into the market followed by quick product recalls and the many legal cases the company has been involved in as the major threats. Apple’s ‘iphone’ is the company’s attempt to utilize the available opportunity resulting from the increasing demand for ‘smart phones’. Apple Inc is threatened by poor quality output from its suppliers and the tight market for personal computers. The study recommends product testing be speeded up and the company to find alternatives ways to settle these legal cases to ensure Apple Inc maintains its competitive advantage in the technology market.

Exporting Paper Products from Sydney, Nova Scotia to Saudi Arabia

The Advantages and Disadvantages of Marrying Young Essays

The Advantages and Disadvantages of Marrying Young Essays The Advantages and Disadvantages of Marrying Young Paper The Advantages and Disadvantages of Marrying Young Paper Advantages and disadvantages of marrying young Marriage is believed to be one of the most important commitments made in life. It leads to serious changes in social roles and responsibilities, so marrying someone should be a mature and thought-out decision. There are many factors which affect the stability of the union and one of them is considered to be the age of the pair. For instance, young people seem to take marriage too lightly nowadays. Many teenagers get married because they are pregnant or they are eager to start independent life as soon as possible, and that cannot be called a responsible decision. However, early marriages have both advantages and disadvantages. On the one hand, marrying young has some positive sides. Firstly, those who marry young are expected to deal with the problem of generation gap better. The gap will be less significant, making it possible for parents to be on the same wavelength with their children, to share same views and ideals. Secondly, young people have to divide duties, make compromises and settle problems together, therefore it teaches them responsibility and enriches their life experience. Consequently, if a couple’s marriage fails, this experience undoubtedly helps ex-spouses to avoid mistakes of the past and build new, more successful families. Thirdly, a lot of universities offer special grants and scholarships available specifically for students who are married. Many students who are married while attending university qualify as non-traditional students, which opens up opportunities for unique scholarships. On the other hand, marrying young is supposed to have negative effect on the couple’s life. First of all, it prevents young people from completing higher education as they have to take on the responsibilities of family budget. Then, work and career opportunities are limited for the youngsters since their education level is low, so they cannot advance in professional development. Hence young couple is in many cases dependent on spouses’ parents, and often becomes a financial burden they are not supposed to carry. Finally, adolescents are often incapable of running a household because of their limited experience, thus they could be at risk of having everyday quarrels due to their inability to accurately divide chores. All in all, early marriage might prove to be successful as long as it helps people to mature, become contributing members of society and even overcome the problem of generation gap. Nevertheless, rushing into a marriage, which may not last long does not appear the right thing to do, as the lack of education and poor social skills becomes an obstacle for their career and makes the parents of the couple responsible for their well-being. Taking all the positive and the negative sides of marrying young into account, adolescents should think twice about their future before taking such crucial step as legalizing their relations.

Ethics within the clothing retail sector 02225 Essay

Ethics within the clothing retail sector 02225 - Essay Example In addition, competition is increasing in the high street clothing retail chains. Therefore, they are using the CSR strategies to increase sustainability and growth. During the years 2011 to 2012, they promoted more green production. Alhaddi (2014) stated that retailers are promoting highly recycling products, eco friendly products, and fair trading policies. Clothing retailers are using most emerging technologies for reducing waste in operations. They are adopting socially responsible strategies to maintain the welfare of external stakeholders. Alternate energy resources are being used by the organisations to conserve the conventional resources (Azmat and Zutshi, 2012). In the current study, corporate social responsibility and ethical issues are discussed in depth with the help of different real life ethical firms. The researcher will be using the examples of Next, Arcadia Group, Primark Stores, TK Maxx, Matalan, and New Look Group. Clothing retail firms are facing huge competition in the UK base fashion retail market. Organisations are maintaining ethical strategies in order to achieve sustainability. Corporate social responsibility is one of the major used strategies for increasing sustainability in the international clothing retail market. Organisations are looking for obtaining growth and sustainability. Corporate social responsibilities of the major retail firms are concentrated on the segments like social, ethical and environment. The firms are planning to provide proper value to the external stakeholders. In addition, BubnaLitic (2009) stated that CSR strategies are orienting the equity shareholders in the global financial market. On the contrary, if the investors are not oriented they will not interest or motivated to make the further investment in fashion retailers. Business operations will be controlled efficiently, productively and sensibly by the use of efficient strategies and CSR polices also

Industry Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Industry - Essay Example The industry can be further divided into the types of automobiles/vehicles that are manufactured by the various companies that are presently dealing in this commodity. Vehicles can be categorized differently depending on their purpose and design from heavy duty to transportation purposes to leisure brands. The cars vary in size, cost and luxury, and there are cars available for every type of individual in the market from trucks to saloon cars. The automobile manufacturers supply a number of markets from private owners to companies who may require specific types of vehicles, for example, a construction company will require a number of heavy duty trucks to transport their material from one place to the other while a taxi service will require a large number of saloon cars to transport their clientele (J.D. Power). It is for this reason that the market structure of this industry can be referred to as an oligopolistic market despite the fact that they deal in basically what can be describ ed as the same product (that is, vehicles). The automobile industry is made up of 15 major companies which supply vehicles to the wide consumer base in need of cars (Schmitt). The market structure has allowed for the firms present in this industry to have a chance at fair competition as a manufacturer can determine to target either one segment of the market or decide to dabble in all the different types of vehicles. The fact that there are so many vehicles to choose from means that the competition for the market in this industry is not as harsh as others and organizations involved have enough wiggle room to operate without exactly worrying about being bullied out of their share of the market unless faced with extraordinary circumstances. Some firms choose to focus on one particular category of vehicles so as to set up a stronghold in that area which makes it easier for them to handle any competition that they may face (J.D. Power). For example, CAT mainly focuses on heavy duty machi nery that is used in industries like construction such as cranes and tractors and this has enabled it to establish a foothold in heavy duty machinery vehicles. The profit margin on the other hand is not as evenly shared out as the more popular car brands hold a majority of the market when it comes to private vehicles thus some companies can be said to hold a lion’s share of the profit when it comes to car sales. At the current moment, there are more firms exiting than entering the market due to the economic crisis that has hit various parts of the globe such as Europe leading to the reduction in car sales for a while which has meant that the less popular brands have been able to sell even fewer cars than usual (Eisenstein). The manufacturing of cars is not a business venture to be entered to light heartedly, and it costs a considerable amount of money to set up. Thus, if a company is not able to sell most of the cars that it produces they stand a chance of incurring losses at an alarmingly speedy pace that may through the company into an irrecoverable debt if the situation is not handled soon. A good example of this is the Chrysler Company that had to stop operations after failing to be able to move the required quota of cars that would have kept it afloat. The market for the product (that is, vehicles) can definitely said to be an international one as automobiles of all shapes and sizes can be found globally. Cars have

Somaliland: A Successful State

Somaliland: A Successful State Somalia is considered to be one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa, yet are plagued with conflict. All Somalis share a common language, a pastoral economy, a religious faith which is Sunni Islam. In addition to this Somalia is a clan-based society which has a deep root in the countrys politics. Before colonialism, Somalias political system was clan-based were tribal sheikdoms was considered to be the form of rulership. Furthermore, power was scattered, meaning tribal leaders had a very difficult time control large regions. Thus, centralization or perhaps a unification under one leader was difficult if not unlikely(Kibble, 2001)[1]. Somalia was colonized by the British and Italians who used a combination of direct rule with a laissez faire approach further out in the periphery (Kibble, 2001)[2]. There are six major clans in Somalia; which are patrilineal; Issaq, Dir, Darood, Hawiye, Rahanweyne. These tribes are interlinked in all social political and financial domains (Kibble 2001 )[3]. Thus,Kinship-based social structure determine entitlement to resources, divisions of labour and authority, but also contracts (xeer) between and among clans. (Kibble 2001)[4]. Furthermore, decision making is conducted by male clan leaders based on consensus. Now, colonialism created boundaries in Somalia and has effected delicate clan relations and power distribution. In terms of Somaliland, the British ultimate goal wasto secure a steady delivery of livestock to their much more important colony of Aden, which controlled approaches to the Suez Canal (Kibble 2001)[5]. Between the years 1969-1991 this regime was a result of a military coup which was later legitimized by their aim to end corruption strong and develop a Greater Somalia. This time a National Security Court was established to enforce Public order but later replaced the Independent judiciary. This lead to the eventual descent of the somali state towards an Authoritarian regime (Battera, 2004)[6]. Furthermore, corruption was rampant during Barre regimes around this time due to an increase of foreign aid and military assistance with Italy and other gulf countries (Battera, 2004)[7]. Thus, the balance between the center and periphery was overwhelming favoured towards center thanks to neopatrimonialism. Eventually, legitimacy was lost and that is when Barre turned towards any who could potentially rise against him. Barre prefered target were Somalis who were once apart of the British colony who at this time tried to achieve autonomy. In response Barre to this during the civil war in the lat e 1980s Siad Barre indiscriminately bombed the civilian population in Hargeisa and Burco (Pegg, Kolstà ¸, 2015)[8]. It was during this time that Somaliland decided to become independent as as result of Somalia being an authoritarian state, rather than a democracy which was originally agreed upon during unification. This paper shall attempt to answer the question as to why Somaliland although unrecognized internationally is a successful state. First I will discuss the lack of International recognition , which has increased state nationality and increased domestic legitimacy. Second, the implementation of a Hybrid political system true to pre-colonial roots has strengthened the de-facto state. Finally, Somaliland has demonstrated successful and peaceful turnovers of power. LACK OF INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION A successful state is one where the acting government demonstrates control of the periphery, the center, financially able to provide basic institutions and strong legitimate authority. Arguably international recognition is also a factor of a successful state, yet despite this Somaliland has managed well without it. Lack of international recognition has increased state nationality in Somaliland. Somaliland as it stands is not formerly recognized as a legitimate state among the international community. However, this does not mean that Somaliland is not a state in perhaps the truest sense of the word. It appears that although Somaliland lacks international recognition it has an abundance of internal recognition. Internal recognition in Somaliland has translated to legitimacy, thus in the eyes of the Somaliland people the de-facto state is legitimate. Ironically a failed state such as Somalia has the international recognition as well as international representation, such as a seat in the UN. However, despite international approval, among Somalis the state does not have legitimacy. Insofar, the governments power simply extends to that of Mogadishu, yet even within the capital power is relative.According to Lipset legitimacy involves the capacity of a system to maintain and engender existing political institutions most efficient to ones society (Lipset, 1960)[9]. In the Failed state Index which measures; corruption, government effectiveness, political participation, level of democracy, illicit economy and protest. Somalia is considered to be the worlds most failed state with a 9.5 out of 10 score (Pegg, Kolstà ¸, 2015)[10].Furthermore, based on the Freedom House world index that ranks countries based on liberties and political rights. This scale considers 7 as the lowest and 1 the highest, here Somaliland has ranked 4.5 , while Somalia is a 7 (Pegg, Kolstà ¸ 2015)[11]. Thus, it can be observed that in terms of political rights and perhaps even liberties Somalilan d has proven to be more successful.Nonetheless, it should be noted that data conducted in Somalia is relatively difficult and may not necessarily be all inclusive. Thus, legitimacy and state success is not solely based upon international recognition. According to Holsti, vertical and horizontal legitimacy are the defining characteristic that determine a states ability to be recognized domestically and internationally. Vertical legitimacy is based on performance, The state has to earn and maintain its right to rule through the provision of services, including security, law and order (Holsti, 1996)[12]. While Horizontal legitimacy defines the limits and criteria for membership in the political community. Thus, if different subgroups within a community accept and tolerate each other then there is high Horizontal legitimacy. In addition the lack of international financing forces the state to abide by vertical legitimacy. Therefore, internal legitimacy is the notion where members within a polity are confident in their government and institution to provide basic needs. In the case of Somaliland formally considered a de-facto state is legitimate in all ways but internationally. Through the creation of its own military, navy, provision o f basic health care and representation of clans. Traditional Ghuurti are used in Somaliland to settle disputes among clans and/or subclans as well as to achieve cohesion. However, this does not imply that disputes were all non violent there have been instances where conflict ensued due to resources (harbors, airports). The lack of international recognition in Somaliland has proven to build the state at a bottom up level. By comparing Somaliland to Somalia we are able to identify that no international intervention has proven to be pivotal to Somalilands success. There were two large foreign troop interventions in Somalia, in addition to regional and international conferences. Yet none of these conference has lead to stability or at the very least control of more than a small fraction of Somalia (Pegg, Kolstà ¸,2015)[13]. According to Pegg and Kolsà ¸ the responsibility of Somalia was taken from the Somali people, which resulted in failed interventions (2015)[14]. Furthermore, overall intervention of the international community to the Somali people has done more harm than good. According to Hammond(2013)[15], Trust between Somalis and international actors has never been particularly strong, but in recent years has weakened to the point where international political engagement has come to be seen b y many Somalis as a liability. In addition, Menkhaus (2012)[16] states Somalis want an end to warlordism and jihadism, but they also want an end to foreign domination.. Yet peacebuilding in Somaliland is for the most part been in the hands of the people because they do not have the ability to request international aid. Thus, If the Somalilanders did not achieve peace among themselves, nobody would do it for them (Pegg, Kolstà ¸, 2015)[17].This notion of self-reliance has fueled nationality within the de-facto state ultimately solidifying internal legitimacy. Somaliland has been forced to rely upon themselves and this has only strengthened there persistence of independence and stability. In Somaliland, the lack of external intervention is often seen as a strength. Former foreign minister Abdillahi Duale (personal interview) believes that any major international engagement would have undermined self-reliance and the slow growth of local institutions for maintaining peace (Pegg, Kol stà ¸,2015)[18]. Similarly, former minister of finance Muhamad Hashi Elmi We had no five-star hotels, but had our meeting in the shade of a tree. The lack of attention from the international community has been a blessing. We did not realize that at the time, but now we realize it. (Pegg, Kolstà ¸, 2015)[19]. At this point in time Somaliland has two strong arguments for independence the first being its substantial support and legitimacy within the state. Secondly, its previous status of once being a former British colony prior to the unification of Somalia. According to the notion of utis possidetis former territorial lines are keep with its possessor. HYBRID POLITICS: A COMBINATION OF COLONIAL AND PRECOLONIAL POLITICS A unique aspect of Somaliland is its Hybrid political system, a joining of pre-colonial and postcolonial politics. The addition of pre-colonial politics has made Somaliland an interesting case in East Africa. The implementation of a pastoral democracy relies upon the use of traditional clan elders to mediate and negotiate politics. Fused with modern democracy where power is divide by different branches of government. For example a permanent Guurti was made for the upper house of the parliament where clans would appoint elders to represent each clan (Pegg, Kolstà ¸, 2015)[20]. In the beginning the lower house of parliament and the government were clan based, to change this a quota of clan representative was made to determine the MPS and ministers. Yet, it was understood that this system made smaller clans overrepresented. This overrepresentation was enacted so that smaller clans did not fear the dominance of the Issaq clan in government. Nonetheless, a restraint was enacted by a nat ional referendum in 2001 where a competitive party system was chosen for the lower house rather than clan-based (Pegg, Kolstà ¸, 2015)[21]. In essence Somaliland fell back on the time-honored consensus-based reconciliation mechanisms of the beele, in which the clan elders deliberate extensively among themselves until mutually acceptable solutions are found ( Pegg, Kolstà ¸.2015)[22].According to Pegg and Kolstà ¸ The party system in Somaliland is somewhat idiosyncratic, as only three parties which demonstrate support in each of Somalilands six regions are allowed to register for national elections in accordance with Article 9 of Somalilands Constitution (2015)[23]. The limitation was enacted to prevent fragmentation among clans (Pegg, Kolstà ¸.2015)[24]. Rather than to dissuade clan and kinship practices which will fuel animosity among the polis. This new approach to accommodate political and social norms pre-existing in that region has proven to further legitimize the Somal iland de-facto state. Democracy is often championed, hailed as a solution to social and political issues because it removes clanism and other antiquated political institutions. Although, clannism did not function as an effective political institution in pre-colonial times it can succeed with the inclusion of democracy. Societies such as Somaliland and Somalia clans of kinship are a pivotal aspect of social life, and will not be changed any time in the near future.Thus, rather than attempt to abolish it or degrade it ( such as the case of the Barre regime) accommodating it will prove to be much more effective. These relations of kinship are closely tied to ones identity and self perception, the removal of it will be seen as an attack on ones persons. However, that being said it is also important to take into consideration of the opposite spectrum. According to Hoehne many members of the House have become urbanized and somewhat disconnected from their largely rural constituencies, eroding the traditional pr inciple of collective and consultative decision making. In addition Hoehne states (2013)[25]The outcome of these developments is a crippled hybrid in which neither state nor traditional institutions function really well. and , their claim to legitimate traditional authority became hollow(2013)[26]. Although theoretically, choosing a representative will inevitably result in the distancing of said leader from those of which he represent.This does not take away the merit of recognizing clannism in Somaliland that to individuals is important both socially and politically. Furthermore, The clan element in the hybrid system of government has secured strong support for the regime, particularly in rural, conservative areas, but from the perspective of liberal democracy it is defective. Not only is the principle of one person-one vote violated, but under this system women and minorities from outside the traditional clans have no political influence whatsoever (Renders, 2012)[27] Nonetheless, despite this it was the implementation of clanism that brought Somaliland together. Thus without the state accommodating clans the de-facto state would prove to be useless and would not have lasted as long as it has. Although, international assistance was limited it was the very lack of intervention that allowed the Hybrid system in Somaliland to exist. It is doubtful a western international organizations would approve such antiquated politics, and would have pressured them to change. SUCCESSFUL TURNOVERS OF POWER Somaliland has demonstrate the ability to have successful and peaceful turnovers of power a number of times. The newly reformed de-facto state had the tasks of building a tax base as a result of no international support. Conflict management was paramount during this time of the states delicate position. Initially, the de-facto state was not as representative as it had led others to believes. It lacked the financial ability to maintain authority. However, despite this Somaliland made attempts to secure the the Berbera port. Although the port was under the control of a unrepresented clan within the government which expressed displeasure with the de-facto state. Yet, Edbank notes, In part due to internal divisions, and in part due to a lack of resources, the SNM was never able to project authority beyond the territories of the Isaaq clans that made up its core membership. It quickly became apparent that the SNM had only been held together by a common distaste for the military regime in Mogadishu. With the war over, financing from the diaspora which had helped support the SNM during the civil war dried up, and the group succumbed to internal divisions (Eubank, 2011)[28]. At this time many within government and the polis in general were of the belief that the Presidents clan Habar Yonis were manipulating power in their favor. This challenge towards the de-facto state was similar to the issue that ultimately lead to the collapse of Somalia. Favoritism due to clan ties was predominate at this time and often used as a way to consolidate power (Eubank, 2011[29]). The SNM was an established group created after the Somali civil war in hopes of solidity stability in Somaliland. The clan then ended its relations with the SNM administration in favour of opposing the governments manipulation of power. This was the case of the Berbera port controlled by the Isaaq clan known as the Habar Jelo, considered to be a rival of the presidents clan. In 1992 the government killed over 300 people in the town of Burco due to attempts to control weapons in the town(Eubank, 2011).[30] Consequently an armed conflict erupted between the two groups. Eubank emphasis this point Th e port of Berbera was at that time controlled by an Isaaq clan which was not well represented within SNM government, the Ilse Muse ( Eubank, 2011)[31]. After numerous national peace conferences the government was able to collect taxes from the port and managed to receive direct financing from the private sector to create a new currency(Eubank, 2011)[32]. Yet, the government had to ensure a set of national institutions that included a larger support, internal checks, balances, and a bicameral legislative branch. Thus, the new government was able to gain the support of both the private sector as well as the local clans (Eubank, 2011)[33].The conferences resulted in a more inclusive representation in government along with a reestablished National Charter. The Parliament now included 150 clan elder, as well as a new vice president and president(Eubank, 2011)[34]. Furthermore, the new president whose paternal lineage came from the Ilse Muse clan which had controlled the port of Berbera and whose maternal lineage came from the Habar Yonis clan which had previously been represented by the presidency. This encouraged public optimism that [the new president] could unite the Isaaq (Eubank, 2011)[35]. Furthermore, the private sector strongly supported a violent-free Berbera airport. The Berbera port provided the government with a source of income which by September 1995 was estimated to be between US$10-15 million per year (Bradbury, 2008)[36]. The second test Somaliland faced was the newly established National charter that was not embraced by the former presidents clan Habar Yonis. This disagreement was a result of the clan disatifaction regarding the new central authority and representation ratios (Eubank, 2011)[37]. Yet compromises were made due to pressure from the civil society and financial strain (Eubank, 2011)[38]. Furthermore, In 1995, a group of Somalilanders living abroad organised the Peace Committee for Somaliland and began pushing for a peaceful resolut ion (Eubank, 2011)[39]. This resulted in a new constitution being enacted for a more inclusive allocation of seats by increasing the seats for Habr Yonis ending the conflict (Eubank, 2011)[40]. At a national level, much of this revenue comes from customs collected at major trading centres like the Berbera port and Hargeysa airport. But local governments also depend upon local financing throughout the country. Under Somalilands system of decentralisation another measure established at the Boorame Conference in 1993 to ensure local governments were accountability to local populations, and not financially accountable to a potentially predatory national government Somalilands district councils continue to raise their own revenues to supplement disbursements from the central government by taxing local resources, with land, animal slaughter and business tax providing the main revenue streams'(Bradbury, 2008)[41]. The Boorame Conference ensured that government accountability at the national and local level be meet to satisfy civil society. Based on these two cases in the history of Somaliland there is evidence of its ability to relatively sustains its political stability. In order to secure power it comes as little to no surprise that the de-facto state was forced to use violent means. However, the during and after of the violence proved to be detrimental to the state itself. The loss of resources and finances due to these conflicts ultimately hastened the de facto-state to compromise. It could be said that perhaps if Somaliland did receive Foreign aid it would be much less inclined to listen to grievances or compromise its position. Thus, the disregard from the international community in Somaliland has in this instance been beneficial. Somaliland is unable to receive aid or any financial backing from other states of organizations. In addition the de facto state must rely upon tax revenue as a source of income. Forcing it to rely upon its own people and bureaucracy for financial and political stability. Evidently, prolonged conflict will only serve to impedide the states ability to secure power and the displeasure from civil society. Ultimately, this forces Somaliland to not be a predatory state and turn upon the very people they rule, because they must rely upon them to consolidate power and wealth. This creates a binary relationship that are interdependent on each other to succeed. Furthermore, the Somali political culture which by nature encourages discussion and debate among leaders fuelled peaceful talk. Conferences were financed and supported by diaspora and civil society within Somaliland. This demonstrated that the decisions of state is in the hands of Somalilanders. Simultaneously strengthening public nationality as well as consolidating legitimacy. In Conclusion, Somaliland has demonstrated its ability to be a successful state. Not only does its civil society believe it to be legitimate it also represents previously ignored clans. Somaliland claim to be a recognized as a state drives from the notion of utis possidetis. Ultimately, the lack of international recognition increased internal legitimacy and power. This allowed a bottom up approach towards the rebuilding of the former British protectorate. Furthermore, this increased the notion of horizontal and vertical legitimacy within Somaliland. Since the responsibility of the polis rest solely upon the state resulting in a binary relationship of interdependence. Thus making the possibility of a predatory state unlikely. In addition, the Hybrid pastoral democracy system that Somaliland has chosen to use to accommodate clanism has demonstrated a new form of democracy. This archiac notion of democracy would not have been accepted if international organizations were involved. Rather , the acknowledgment of Somalilands clan based society perpetuated stability. Unlike the Somalia Barre regime who claimed to rebuke clanism, yet maintained ties of kinship to consolidate power. Ignoring the very a nature of the society will prove to only hinder stability. Finally, Somaliland has been able to overcome issues of representation such as the case of IIse Muse representation and the Berbera port conflict. The de-facto state faced claims where the president was believed to favor his own clan Habar Yonis by consolidating power and parliamentary seats to them. However, they overcame this issue due to pressure of civil society and financial losses. Forcing the two groups to concede, thereby allowing a new parliamentary system to be enacted to ensure fair representation. Making the next president have clan ties to both groups from their paternal and maternal line. Then the second conflict was due to Habar Yonis displeasure with the new National Charter. This issues was resolve d by allocating more seats to this clan thus ending the conflict. Somaliland is where the colonial and postcolonial history has lead to their strong patriotism and drive to succeed as a state regardless of international acceptance. This paper only analyzes the theoretical notion of success and legitimate sentiments across Somaliland.However, it does not discuss the economic stability within Somaliland in depth due to a lack of research conducted in this area. Further studies could include if Somaliland has the economic ability to compete in a global market sustainably as a sovereign state. Works cited Battera, F. (2004). State- democracy-building in sub-Saharan Africa: The case of Somaliland A comparative perspective. Global Jurist Frontiers, 4(1), 1-23. Eubank, N. (2012). Taxation, Political Accountability and Foreign Aid: Lessons from Somaliland. Journal of Development Studies,48(4), 465-480 Hammond, L., 2013. Somalia rising: things are starting to change for the worlds longest failed state. J. Eastern Afr. Stud. 7 (1), 183-193. Hoehne, M.V., 2013. Limits of hybrid political order: the case of Somaliland. J. Eastern Afr. Stud. 7 (2), 199-217 Holsti, K.J., 1996. The State, War, and the State of War. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Kibble, S. (2001). Somaliland: Surviving Without Recognition; Somalia: Recognised but Failing? International Relations, 15(5), 5-25. Lewis, I. (n.d.). Understanding Somalia and Somaliland : Culture, history, society. New York: Columbia University. Menkhaus, K., 2012. The Somali Spring. ForeignPolicy.com blog, September 24 Pegg, Kolstà ¸. (2015). Somaliland: Dynamics of internal legitimacy and (lack of) external sovereignty. Geoforum, 66, 193-202. Renders, M., 2012. Consider Somaliland: State-building with Traditional Leaders and Institutions. Brill, Leiden Richards, R. (2015). Bringing the outside in: Somaliland, statebuilding and dual hybridity. Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 9(1), 4-25. Tripodi, P. (n.d.). The colonial legacy in Somalia Rome and Mogadishu : From colonial administration to Operation Restore Hope. Basingstoke: Macmillan. [1] Steve Kibble,Somaliland: Surviving Without Recognition; Somalia: Recognised but Failing? ( International Relations 2001), 12 [2] Steve Kibble,Somaliland: Surviving Without Recognition; Somalia: Recognised but Failing? ( International Relations 2001), 13 [3] Steve Kibble,Somaliland: Surviving Without Recognition; Somalia: Recognised but Failing? ( International Relations 2001), 13 [4] Steve Kibble,Somaliland: Surviving Without Recognition; Somalia: Recognised but Failing? ( International Relations 2001), 15 [5] Steve Kibble,Somaliland: Surviving Without Recognition; Somalia: Recognised but Failing? ( International Relations 2001), 17 [6] Battera, F. State- democracy-building in sub-Saharan Africa: The case of Somaliland A comparative perspective. (Global Jurist Frontiers 2004),3. [7] Battera, F. State- democracy-building in sub-Saharan Africa: The case of Somaliland A comparative perspective. (Global Jurist Frontiers 2004),3. [8] Pegg, Kolstà ¸. Somaliland: Dynamics of internal legitimacy and

Lab Report: Proving that energy is conserved within a system

This Is defined by Hooker's Law shown below. F ? -xx The law of conservation of energy is that energy cannot be created or destroyed, it can only be changed from one form to another. This means that the total amount of energy in an isolated system is constant over time. This means that the only thing that can happen to energy in a closed system is that it can change from one form to another. In this experiment energy changes from elastic potential energy to kinetic energy to gravitational potential energy. Some energy is also lost due to friction which creates heat and sound during the experiment.Initial = Final Eek + Pep gravitational I + Pep spring + E thermal I = Kef+ Pep gravitational f + Pep bring f + E thermal f + Neon- conservative This equation clearly shows the energy transfer during the experiment Including the energy lost In non-conservative forms such as heat and sound. Basic energy formulae were also used In this experiment In order to calculate energy as it changes form . Eek- move Pep gravitational MGM very important as it is used a wide variety of physical applications. It is especially relevant and applicable in situations which there is little to no friction, such as in astrophysics.Energy and applied forces can be calculated in order to accurately determine values seen in the equations above. Method: The equipment was set up as indicated in figurer . The track was placed at such a gradient where the cart would not reach the top of the track or come to close to the censor after pushed by the compressed spring. It should also be noted that the gradient of the slope remained constant throughout both experiments. The readings were zeroed and data was then collected by the censors and graphed on the program Logger Pro.Figure 1: Experimental setup For the first experiment, the cart was released from different heights on the ramp ND measurements of the force and compression of the spring were taken in order to be able to calculate the spring constant . For the second experiment the spring on the cart was compressed and the cart is placed then released using a hard object such as a ruler. The spring then pushed the cart up the track and the censors took the reading of the force, displacement, velocity and acceleration needed in order to calculate the energy as it changed form in the system.Results: Measurements for finding the spring constant of the spring x = displacement of spring from equilibrium position. F = force applied by the spring on the cart. K = the spring constant of the spring. Table 1 : Measured displacement of the spring and force applied by the spring and the calculated spring constant results. The uncertainties for the displacement and the force were chosen because of the accuracy of the censors and the ruler respectively. The uncertainty of the spring constant was calculated by halving the range of the results.Measurements for finding the total energy during the second experiment Value Symbol Result Initial Com pression of Spring 0. 033 Ð’Â ± 0. 001 m SF 0. 018Ð’Â ±0. 001 m Velocity as cart leaves spring I 0. 75Ð’Â ±0. 05 runs-l Velocity Just before collision if 0. 69 Ð’Â ± 0. 05 runs-l Max distance traveled Adam 0. 661 Ð’Â ± 0. 005 m Position at random point DRP 0. 198Ð’Â ±0. 005 m Velocity at random point Table 2: Velocity and distance measurements taken by the censors in order to prove conservation of energy. The uncertainties for the each of the results were chosen because of the accuracy of the censors respectively.Analysis: Finding the spring constant of the spring To find the spring constant we use Hooker's Law (F = -xx). The negative sign shows that the spring is being compressed and can be ignored in this case. For the first value: x = 0. 010Ð’Â ±0. 001 m and 5. 7 Ð’Â ± 0. 3 = 570 ram-I This process was then repeated for each data value and then the average of the results was found to be 598 Nm-l. The uncertainty for the spring constant was calculat ed by halving the range of the values which was found to be Ð’Â ± 28. 5 Nm-l . This gives the final value for the spring constant of the spring to be 598 Ð’Â ± 28. 5 Nm-l .Conservation of Energy Graph 1, 2,3: These graphs shows the carts velocity and position and well as the force exerted in the spring by the cart as it moves up and down the slanted track. Using he results found in Table 2, the elastic potential energy, gravitational potential energy and kinetic energy can be calculated at six points during the experiment. These points are; before the spring is released, Just after the cart loses contact, at the during the first collision, and at some point between the release and collision points above. Before the spring is released all the energy is stored as elastic potential energy in the spring.This can be easily calculated using the spring constant and the displacement of the spring. K = experimentally measured spring constant = 598 Nm-l . = initial compression of the spring = 0. 33 m Just after the cart loses contact with the spring, we can assume that all of the elastic potential energy has been converted into purely kinetic energy. Kinetic energy can be calculated using the mass and velocity of the cart. M = mass of cart = 0. 521 keg v = velocity as cart leaves spring = 0. 75 ms-l At the top of the slope the cart has stopped as the energy has been converted into purely gravitational potential energy.This can be calculated using the mass and height of the cart as well as gravity. G = acceleration due to gravity = 9. 81 ms-2 = maximum height = 0. 036 m The maximum height of the cart was found by first calculating the angle of the slop using trigonometry. = 3. 130 This angle was then used with the maximum distance traveled value to calculate the maximum height. Just before the spring hits the bottom again the energy is again kinetic. This can again be calculated using the mass and velocity of the cart. At a chosen point part way up the slope the total energy will be the kinetic energy at that point plus the potential energy at the point.